Old Nilamakkaras who dragged the police into the dog market

Many people started talking about the recent promotion of Shani Abeysekara, who served as a Senior Superintendent of Police, to the post of Deputy Inspector General of Police. Some of those who talked about it were of the opinion that the promotion was given due to the intervention of the National People's Powers government. 

There were also those who insulted and humiliated him in various ways, further placing this idea politically in society. However, it was the Administrative Judgment Appellate Authority that ordered the promotion of Shani Abeysekara to the post of Deputy Inspector General. 

The decision taken by the Administrative Authority was communicated to the National Police Commission on May 13. According to that order, it was recommended that this promotion be given from August 25 and all the arrears of salary and allowances lost from the date of suspension to date should be paid to Shani Abeysekara. 

 In 2000, Shani Abeysekara was arrested and remanded for 11 months and was later released on bail by an order of the Court of Appeal. However, he was reinstated in service based on Circular 3/2018 of 2024 and was subsequently appointed as the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department.

The Administrative Appeals Tribunal of Sri Lanka is an institution established by Act No. 4 of 2002. It is an independent (quasi-judicial) institution that allows public servants to appeal against disciplinary actions, promotions and transfer decisions of the Public Service Commission or other authorities.

 However, it is clear that those who claim that the reinstatement of Shani Abeysekera in 2024 was a political intervention in the police service by the NDA government do not know the history of the police department.

Vivian Gunawardena of the Lanka Sama Samaj Party was assaulted and illegally arrested during a protest held on International Women's Day on March 8, 1983.

The Supreme Court, which heard the Fundamental Rights Petition filed by her against the illegal arrest, ruled that the arrest was illegal and ordered the police respondents, including Sub-Inspector Ganeshanathan, to pay her compensation.

Following the relevant decision, the then President J. R. Jayewardene took steps to pay the compensation and legal fees owed by Inspector Ganeshanathan from government funds.  In addition to paying the compensation, the President also recommended that the Sub-Inspector who was guilty of the incident be promoted to the rank of Inspector of Police.

The government also used thugs to pelt stones at the houses of the judges who gave this verdict. It has been reported that these thugs were led by Gonawala Sunil and Kalu Lucky, residents of Biyagama electoral district. Both of these thugs were close associates of Ranil Wickremesinghe, the then UNP MP for Biyagama electoral district.

Ranil Wickremesinghe had also been a witness on Kalu Lucky’s side when he got married. Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was upset about the influence of the judiciary on the political power of his uncle, the President, taught the judiciary a lesson in this way. Ranil Wickremesinghe, who made that ugly and immoral intervention to intimidate the judiciary, can only laugh with a hollow mouth at the current lamentation that the “virginity” of the judiciary should be protected.

 The government also politically manipulated the police during the tenure of President Ranasinghe Premadasa, who came to power after JR.

During the tenure of President Ranasinghe Premadasa (1989-1993), there was strong political influence and control over the Sri Lanka Police Service, which greatly affected the independence of the implementation of law and order in the country.

The second rise of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the threat of the LTTE. (LTTE) The police were strictly subordinated to the control of the political authority. There were allegations that the police patronized and protected unofficial armed groups (such as the Black Cats, Yellow Cats) that operated outside the democratic framework.

Promotions, transfers and appointments of police officers were entirely based on political affiliations. Officers who implemented the decisions of the government and the president without questioning them were granted special privileges and promotions.

 There were strong allegations that senior police officers were involved in incidents such as the murder of journalist Richard de Zoysa and that they tried to suppress the investigations under political pressure. Police power was used to the fullest extent to suppress opposition political activists, trade union leaders and protesters. 

Several senior police officers were retired during the Premadasa presidency on charges of being disloyal to his government. Senior DIGs Leo Perera, W. B. Rajaguru, Thilak Iddamalgoda, M. M. K. Wickramasuriya Dharmadasa Silva, B. L. V. de S. Kodituwakku and Senior Superintendent of Police Dharmasiri Weerakoon were among those officers. 

 It has been reported that the retired police officers were also re-hired during the tenure of President Chandraka Bandaranaike who came to power in the country. Among these re-hired senior DIGs, W. B. Rajaguru was appointed as the IGP in 1995. At the same time, Chandrika Bandaranaike also took steps to recruit an underworld activist named Beddagana Sanjeewa as a Sub-Inspector of Police and attach him to the Presidential Security Division.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa also played the police department card game as he pleased. Before he came to power, the number of Assistant Superintendents of Police directly recruited into the police department was less than 10. 

However, President Mahinda Rajapaksa took steps to recruit nearly 40 Assistant Superintendents of Police at once. Most of those recruited as Assistant Superintendents of Police were active in politics associated with Namal Rajapaksa's Blue Force. Among them were those who had graduated in dance. 

Mahinda Rajapaksa's expectation was that when his son became the president of this country, there would be nothing but a group of people loyal to the Rajapaksa family in senior positions in the police in this country. However, it should be noted that those loyalties still exist. 

It is Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe of the Yahapalana government who has given promotions from the cabinet, citing that they were victims of political vendettas.  For this purpose, the Prime Minister has submitted a cabinet paper under the 100-day program of the good governance government, P. M. O. /06/3/CM/15 /2015, along with a list of names of 100 people who have been subjected to injustice by the police.

Amending that list, the then Minister of Law and Order, Sagala Ratnayake, submitted a cabinet paper on June 14, 2016, along with a list of names of 129 police officers, and obtained approval for it. The best joke about it is that most of the police officers mentioned in that cabinet paper as those who had been subjected to political vendettas were also those who had previously received privileges from the Rajapaksa government.

The first name mentioned in this list was the name of the former head of the Police Special Task Force, Ranjith Perera.  Although the cabinet paper stated that he should be given the post of DIG from February 17, 2012, he was given the post of DIG and the Special Task Force Commander by the previous Rajapaksa government.

Saman Sigera, who was recommended for promotion in this paper, was arrested and later acquitted of charges of murder, robbery and extortion.

Cecil de Silva, who was the OIC of Wellawatte Police when former Minister Lalith Athulathmudali was murdered and accused of aiding and abetting the suspects who killed the minister, was also mentioned in this paper to be promoted to the post of DIG.

It is revealed that those who had left the service were also promoted in this cabinet paper.  Z. H. Rahuman, who had resigned as a Sub-Inspector of Police in the year 2000, had been a public representative in the Akkarepattu Pradeshiya Sabha for about 10 years. However, he was reinstated in this cabinet paper, stating that he had been subjected to political victimization. 

Retired Assistant Superintendent of Police Ayub Khan, whose name was mentioned in this document, was reinstated when he was the Opposition Leader representing the United National Party in the Hambantota Urban Council and has been in service in the permanent post of Superintendent of Police since 2016. 

Meanwhile, Ranga Bandara, who was a former Sub-Inspector of Police and was a minister in the government at that time, had been recommended to be appointed as Assistant Superintendent of Police on 27th August 2000, confirmed in the post and retired on the same day.  Range Bandara was not recommended for reinstatement because of the ministerial position he already held. 

Many political leaders and political leaders of the political parties who are shedding crocodile tears accusing the government of appointing Shani Abeysekara as DIG following a decision of the Administrative Tribunal are like this, the evil deeds that were done when their grandparents and uncles were in power. 

However, we should be thankful that they did not dress the family dog ​​in a police uniform. But we cannot forget that the police put the dog in the police uniform. 

Oh my goodness......

D. Liyanarachchi ✍️